Комментарии:Low tone in Kor. is due to the root's verbal nature. Semantic development is modified by changes in diathesis (e.g. in Mongolian 'save' < 'comfort' < 'cause to enjoy' etc.).
Комментарии:EAS 110, KW 13, Владимирцов 361. Low tone in *àrà-tà- is probably secondary (a result of some contamination?); cf. Yonaguni (suffixless) àrà- < *árá- 'new'. Despite Doerfer MT 44, TM is hardly borrowed from Mong. (although some forms - Evk., Evn. arai - are).
Комментарии:KW 123, Владимирцов 324, Poppe 79, 106, Цинциус 1972a, 45-49, ОСНЯ 1, 247, АПиПЯЯ 54, 283. A well known Turk.-Mong. isogloss. Borrowing in Mong. from Turk. (see TMN 2, 179, Щербак 1997, 115) is quite improbable because of the final vowel. Cf. *i̯òre.
Комментарии:KW 14 (Turk.-Mong.). A Western isogloss. Cf. also PTM *arbu- 'space between two river branches'; Mong. arba- 'растопыриваться (о пальцах)'.
Комментарии:Turk. *bAj-ra- = Mong. *bajar = OJ we-ra- < PA *bắja-rV- (it is interesting to note the double suffixation in PT *bAj-ra-k = OJ we-ra-k-).
Комментарии:The root should be distinguished from *pḗk`o q. v. The etymology in SKE 204, linking the Kor. form with the Jpn. and TM accusative marker, is hardly credible. Kor. has a "verbal" low tone.
Комментарии:Ozawa 314-315. Despite obvious similarity, the etymology raises some problems. The MJpn. furuki is said to be an animal breeding in Korea, but no Korean match is available. R. A. Miller's hypothesis that furuki was borrowed from Mongolian, seems rather far-fetched (no early Mong.-Jpn. contacts have been noticed so far), so we prefer to regard the word as genuine until some further evidence becomes available. Rather complicated is the attribution of PT *albuga (VEWT 16): Khak. albɨɣa 'sable', Oyr. albaɣa 'sable; game' (Баск. Леб. 137). Cf. also alda 'game' (Баск. Туба 101, Яимова 109-110 albaga, albaa, alabuga (= "perch"). This may be al (al perü 'wild wolf') + bulgan, bulɨq 'sable' (< Mong.; see Потанин 1881, Очерки Северозападной Монголии, p. 139), see ibid. aldɨq 'sable'. The word is obviously tabooistic and folk-etymologically analysed as "red ox", but may also be a distortion of the original *baluga (cf. the external evidence). On the other hand, one may note the resemblance of the Turkic word with Mong. elbeŋkü 'racoon', see KW 207 ( > Evk. elbiɣe, elbiŋē, Man. elbixe, ТМС 2, 445).
Комментарии:Лексика 72 (but the Turkic root should be divided and Mong. *boli- attributed rather to *pŭ́lo 'old, ancient - although the two roots may have converged in Mong.).
Комментарии:Whitman 1985, 193, 210 (Kor.-Jpn.). The vowel reflex in Korean is irregular, which leaves a possibility of Kor. *pắr and Jpn. *pìrǝ̀ 'fathom' going back to a different root (reconstructable as *Piari or *Piali); the coincidence of *pìrǝ̀ 'fathom' and *pìrǝ̀- 'wide, broad' in Jpn. must be in that case secondary.
